CURRENT REPLACEMENTS OF THE
DEFUNCT ENGLISH "SUBJUNCTIVE"

Charles-James N. Bailey

© 2000, 2001, 2005 by Orchid Land Publications

[updated 12001015; title changed 20051221]

     The subjunctive mode of early Middle and early Modern English is dead.  For details of its use in early Modern English after if, other than in generic hypotheses, see Bailey, Essays on time-based linguistic analysis (Oxford University Press), pp. 216-220.  The dead subjunctive mode has been replaced by several modalities:

1. The temporal throwback, as in "It's time that ceased" and "If she was/were here now, . . ." (present), "If she had('ve) been here then, . . ." (past), and "If it got attended to tomorrow, . . ." (posterior).  Note that the re-spelling of was to were is usually optional except when it replaces "If"--as in "Were they here now, . . . "  (On had (ha)ve, the double past-anterior, see ESSAYS ON TIME-BASED LINGUISTIC ANALYSIS [hereafter, ETBLA] published in 1995 by Oxford University Press, p. 242.)

2. Optional should-deletion, as in "It's time he stop doing that" and "It was important that they [should] be on hand for the meeting."  The infinitive may be used instead; e.g. "It was important for them to be on hand for the meeting."  Should-deletion occurs after expressions of volition and necessity and after those of importance or propriety (see ETBLA, p. 238).  It also occurs, though decreasingly, after if, unless, and whether in solemn style.  This usage is vanishing except among elderly lawyers and preachers of certain denominations.

While three uses of should--the foregoing, the non-expectative use (in "If they should be mistreated, . . . "), and the obligative use--are irrealis, this gets reversed to factual force following cognitive expressions of expectation or non-expectation (e.g. "We were [not] surprised that they should be saying that") and following volitive expressions of desideration or its contrary (e.g. "We were [not] disgusted that they should be doing that").

3. Other modal  verbs--e.g. will/would, may/might, can/could (the second item in each of the foregoing pairs is used in real past time and doubtful [non-expectative] non-past time) serve as alternatives to the infinitive or the exochronous modality in purpose clauses.  Contrast an ordinary non-modal result clause like with the modal purpose clause (in contrast with result clauses).   (On the five uses of will/would, see ETBLA, p. 241.) 

"We're working hard, so we're gonna be able to save a lot." [result]
"We're working hard, so that we'll be able to save a lot" = "We're
         working hard so as to be able to save a lot" [purpose]
"We worked hard, so we were able to save a lot." [result]
"We worked hard so that we would/might/could save a lot" = "We
         worked hard so as to be able to save a lot" [purpose]

Similar contrasts with exochronous forms are given below.

4. The exochronous modality (inflected only in the third singular with a sibilant ending) as in "It's time they stop doing that," "Make sure it stops tomorrow," and "If he stops doing that tomorrow, . . . "  The infinitive may be used instead; e.g. "It's time for them to stop doing that."  Expression like "make/be sure" are treated similarly.  They often use the marked will is used, creating a sanguine outcome.  An even more taken-for-granted outcome has be gonna.   As for expressing a posterior hope, note that the exochronous modality is used.  Like "make/be sure, hope is never unexpectative; it creates a surrealis context the way if, temporal expressions, relatives, and non-factual concessive clauses do in posterior contexts.  When a hope is marked--very sanguine--will (or be gonna when it is even more taken for granted) are used.  After expressions like "They require/demand," should-deletion or the infinitive is found.  Foreigners often misuse the exochronous modality here.

    The exochronous is used in subordinate hypothesis clauses (in conditionals; they begin with if, unless, lest, on condition that, and similar expressions,  but not "on the assumption (or: "premise") that," "with the understanding that," and others of like meaning),  temporal clauses (beginning with when, as, until, as soon as, after, before, once), relative clauses (including pseudo-relative nominal clauses beginning with whatever or whoever), and such concessive clauses (beginning with [al]though) as are not factual (these often begin with even though).  This environment also follows imperatives, which are semantically posteriors.

     That the exochronous is now equivalent to the former subjunctive (say, in the Romance languages and in earlier English) is shown not only (i) by its modal equivalence with the infinitive and modal verbs--note the modal imperative in "Make sure it stops tomorrow" accompanied by an object nominal purpose clause with the exochronous modality--; it is evident also (ii) in the way reversals occur with it, seeing that reversals  indicate a context to be marked or modal.  Note the reversal in purpose clauses of the be gonna found in ordinary result clauses yielding the exochronous modality or a modal verb--will, may, or (where semantically appropriate) can (cf. ETBLA, p. 242):

"He's working hard, so he's earning a lot." [result]
"She's working hard, so that she earns a lot" = "She's
         working hard so as to earn a lot" = "She's working hard so that
         she will/may earn a lot." [purpose]

Note also the way get and be get reversed in present and exochronous passives--something that indicates the marked or modal nature of the exochronous modality (the same reversals occur in  the anterior or have-modality and in the various posterior modalities).  Such reversals are predicted by linguistic theory (see Chh. 5 and 6 of ETBLA) to occur in marked contexts. 

"It was being attended to"  vs.
"It gets attended to every day"; cf. anterior "It has been (being) attended to every day" and posterior "It was/is getting attended to next week."  Because of the jingle, been being, this may get changed to have been getting for phonesthetic reasons.

"It got finished" vs.
"It is finished whenever they start early"; cf.  anterior "It's has gotten finished on time" and posterior "It was/is being finished next week."

It is clear that the exochronous modality is, like the anterior and  posterior modalities as well as infinitives and imperatives, a marked modality--one in which reversals occur.

Since  anteriors are marked, we find double reversals in anterior-posteriors (have been going to) and posterior-anteriors (will have; is going to have). 

Exochronous uses replace the old subjunctive in timeless and posterior hypothesis clauses  significantly, when the time of the hypothesis is prior to that of the contingency, a specific time is permitted--something not permitted with present-anteriors (the asterisk indicates a violation of good English):

"I've finished it *at/by noon" vs. "I've always finished it at/by      noon."  Cf. "I'll've  finished it at/by noon."

Note that the unmarked verb form with a non-past copular verb (e.g. seems), a cognitive or perceptual verb (e.g. believes, sees), or need, dare, and modal verbs is the exochronous modality; the marked present has a special sense; e.g. is being good now, is seeming to know the answer, is seeing to it, is hearing noises).

The double past-anterior has been mentioned earlier.  The anomalous  expression have just is currently yielding to the past, as in "I just did it--two minutes ago."