CONDITIONALS IN ENGLISH
©
2000, 2001 by Charles-James N.
Bailey
[updated 10-15-01]
In my Essays on time-based linguistic analysis (Oxford University Press, 1996, pp. 45-46) and in various other publications, these are discussed more at length. Conditionals have a subordinate clause (more often coming first)--the hypothesis clause--and a main clause--the contingency clause. The hypothesis begins with if or unless, but also in case, on condition that, provided that, etc.--but these alternatives are not found in every time category.1
Plain conditionals
These use the normal
verb forms.
PAST
If he was (has been) seen doing that, he's in
trouble.
PRESENT
If she's still living there, her address is 10 Maple St.
EXOCHRONOUS
If this address is correct, she lives at 10 Maple St.
If we just be ourselves, they will accept us.
Counterfactual and counterexpectative (dubitative) conditionals
These throw back the time in the hyposthesis clause.
PAST
If they HAD/HAD'VE
been there, it WOULD HAVE
happened differently (CLICK
HERE).
Today, we often hear the following alternative :
If they WOULD HAVE been
there, . . .
If it was correct, . . . [no different from present or
exochronous plain hypotheses]
In
the case of be, one increasingly hears: If she were there when that
occurred, . . . This makes no time difference between
past and present
counterfactual hypotheses.
PRESENT If she were/was here now, the work would go more quickly.
POSTERIOR If he's on time tomorrow, we'll finish the work in a hurry.
Note that the hypothesis in posteriors conditionals, whether counterfactual non-posteriors or counterexpectative posteriors, exhibits the same verb forms as temporal (beginning with before, after, when, while, once, until, as soon as) and relative (mostly whatever, whoever, whichever subordinate clauses as well as such concessive clauses as are not factual.
| The surrealis context is a hypothesis, temporal, or relative subordi- nate clause depending on a posterior predicate--including an infinitive. Also included are whatever/whoever (noun) clauses. Most hypothesis clauses are surrealis when posteriors; but see Note 2. Hypothesis clauses begin with "if, unless, lest, in case [that], on condition that, assuming that."; not all equivalent conjunctions can introduce hypothesis clauses other than those of the surrealis type. Temporal clauses begin with when, before, after, till/until, since, once, as soon as." (On the assumption [or: premise] that does not introduce a hypothesis that constitutes a surrealis hypotheses; it introduces the expectative type of posterior hypothesis discussed in the box attached below.) Concessive clauses--they begin with although--can be surrealis when not factual; the factual kind often begin with even though. Causal clauses (beginning with because, since, seeing that, etc.) are never surrealis since they are never irrealis. (Surrealis is an overmarked subcategory of irrealis expressions; see irrrealis and surrealis in the index to Bailey, Essays on time-based linguistic analysis [Oxford University Press], 1996). context is a hypothesis, temporal, or relative subordi- nate clause depending on a posterior predicate--including an infinitive. Also included are whatever/whoever (noun) clauses. Most hypothesis clauses are surrealis when posteriors; but see Note 2. Hypothesis clauses begin with "if, unless, lest, in case [that], on condition that, assuming that."; not all equivalent conjunctions can introduce hypothesis clauses other than those of the surrealis type. Temporal clauses begin with when, before, after, till/until, since, once, as soon as." (On the assumption [or: premise] that does not introduce a hypothesis that constitutes a surrealis hypotheses; it introduces the expectative type of posterior hypothesis discussed in the box attached below.) Concessive clauses--they begin with although--can be surrealis when not factual; the factual kind often begin with even though. Causal clauses (beginning with because, since, seeing that, etc.) are never surrealis since they are never irrealis. (Surrealis is an overmarked subcategory of irrealis expressions; see irrrealis and surrealis in the index to Bailey, Essays on time-based linguistic analysis [Oxford University Press], 1996). [or: premise] that does not introduce a hypothesis that constitutes a surrealis hypotheses; it introduces the expectative type of posterior hypothesis discussed in the box attached below.) Concessive clauses--they begin with although--can be surrealis when not factual; the factual kind often begin with even though. Causal clauses (beginning with because, since, seeing that, etc.) are never surrealis since they are never irrealis. (Surrealis is an overmarked subcategory of irrealis expressions; see irrrealis and surrealis in the index to Bailey, Essays on time-based linguistic analysis [Oxford University Press], 1996). context is a hypothesis, temporal, or relative subordi- nate clause depending on a posterior predicate--including an infinitive. Also included are whatever/whoever (noun) clauses. Most hypothesis clauses are surrealis when posteriors; but see Note 2. Hypothesis clauses begin with "if, unless, lest, in case [that], on condition that, assuming that."; not all equivalent conjunctions can introduce hypothesis clauses other than those of the surrealis type. Temporal clauses begin with when, before, after, till/until, since, once, as soon as." (On the assumption [or: premise] that es not introduce a hypothesis that constitutes a surrealis hypotheses; it introduces the expectative type of posterior hypothesis discussed in the box attached below.) Concessive clauses--they begin with although--can be surrealis when not factual; the factual kind often begin with even though. Causal clauses (beginning with because, since, seeing that, etc.) are never surrealis since they are never irrealis. (Surrealis is an overmarked subcategory of irrealis expressions; see irrrealis and surrealis in the index to Bailey, Essays on time-based linguistic analysis [Oxford University Press], 1996). The surrealis environment can be created by "make/be sure," expressions of hope, and of course an infinitive in the main clause. |
|
Hypothesis clauses in (present-, past-, or posterior-posterior
contexts other than the neutral ones just described) are not surrealis.
There are two kinds if realis hypotheses--one that is
neutral, and one that is expectative (if posterior; otherwise
factual). Counterexpectative (if posterior: dubitative)
hypotheses are simply irrealis: Irrealis: "If he did that tomorrow, . . ." "If she should do that tomorrow, . . ". "If they were to do that tomorrow . . ." Expectative: "If she'll do it, . . ." "If it's gonna be okay with them, . . ." Note that hypothesis clauses (of any variety of reality) beginning with If can omit If if the verb is had, should, could, or a simple past. When If is omitted, the auxiliary verb begins the clause: "Had they been there, . . ." "Could she be present tomorrow, . . ." "Should he arrive on time . . ." "Did he but realize it, . . ." Note that did is used even where a past is formed without did; the full form of the last example would have been "If he but knew that, . . . Of the four examples just given, only the ones beginning would should and could are posteriors and irrealis. Had begins a past conterfactual (irrealis) hypothesis; did begins a present counterfactual (also irrealis). (Since the future has not taken place, there are no counterfactual or factual posterior hypotheses.) But while could = "was/were able" in negative and interrogative sentences, the following non-posteriors are possible as counterfactual hypotheses whether negated/interrogative or not: Present: "Could she (not) hear that, it would be better." Past: "Could she (not) have moved her arm at that moment, . . ." |
and with additional details:
|
HYPOTHESIS
CLAUSES FOR A STATE OR EVENT |
||
|
Category |
Wrong |
Right |
|
Counterfactural |
If she was busy yesterday, If he would've been busy yesterday, |
If s/he had been busy yesterday, |
|
Neutral or |
If the cat were alseep yesterday, | If the cat was asleep yesterday. |
|
Exochronous
(also |
If we recredited
it, (at any time, by next week) |
If we have
recredited it, (at any time, by next week) |
|
Counterfactual Past |
If she was busy yesterday, |
If s/he had been
busy yesterday, If the cat were asleep now, |
| Consider the double past-anterior (which has parallels in French and German): If I'da (hadda, had've) been there, . . . Many educated speakers use this form. Note how "If I'b been" has "'d" assimilated to "b" by a normal English sound rule; in faster tempos, the two "bb"s coalesece and we hear "If I been"--where "'d" ("had") gets entirely lost. The doubled form prevents this. Since "If I had have" (used by one British playwright) sounds strange, it is easy for "If I'd've been" to be misinterpreted as "If I would've been"--though there are other rea- sons for using this last form. Note that 'd stands for had, would, and-- after a wh-word (what, who, how, when, where, why, etc.) as well as so-did. (This is an environment in which 's can stand for does. | ||
|
Counterfactual Present and Neutral Past |
If the cat were alseep yesterday, |
If the cat was asleep yesterday, |
|
Neutral Past & Exochronous |
If we recredited
it, (at any time, by next week)--wrong for a counterfactual past |
If we have
recredited it, (at any time, by next week) |
|
The preceding are incorrect for either neutral or dubitative hypotheses! The posterior categories are more numerous than the present or past or exochronous forms. Cf. with increasing dubitation or counterexpecta- tivity: "If she ate there tomorrow, If she should eat there tomorrow, If she were to eat there tomorrow." The neutral posterior is exochronous: "If she eats there tomorrow." See also L39. |
|
The form had've in "If I'd've been there" is
often heard; this is the double past-anterior (an over-marked
formation that constitutes a differently originating parallel to
the same phenomenon in French grammars and, as a variant
found in some kinds of German, in German grammars). It results from
certain phonetological effects that erase 'd--which assimilates to
various
following consonants in fast tempos (cf. "If I('b) been there, . . .
") and then simply disappears, leaving "If I been there, . . .
" ( The same thing happens in "You('b) better.")
Another way of strengthening 'd to prevent its disappearing
is to change it to would.
This is being heard more often now, but is avoided in careful
writing. What is really ungrammatical is to say "If she
was there yesterday" when a counterfactual "If she had
been there yesterday" is meant. The
counter-error is to change correct realis "If she was
there yesterday" to "If she were there
yesterday." If she was/were there now" is correct;
but note that was is excluded from the transformed
"Were she there now." Conditionals are obviously very poorly understood by many teachers of grammar, who do not know how to explain either the errors or the system of correct conditionals. |
Never unexpectative expressions of posterior hope2
create a surrealis clause having the exochronous modality or (if
expectative; see what immediately follows) will or be gonna;
e.g.
--"I hope they agree with us at tomorrow's meeting."
--"I hope that they will be agreeable to this plan, come next
Thursday." To use "'ll be gonna be agreeable" in the
foregoing is more marked, more expectative.
"Make/be sure that" is an express that creates a usually expectative
(rather than merely neutral) surrealis environment.
Expectative conditionals (only posterior)
PLAIN If (when) she arrives tomorrow, she WILL get the prize.
Is gonna in the preceding would be even more marked--more taken for granted.
These use exochronous modal verbs:2
DOUBTFUL
If we SHOULD
arrive tomorrow, that WOULD
be great.
If we ARRIVED
tomorrow, that WOULD
be great.
MORE
DOUBTFUL
If you WERE TO be
late tomorrow, you would miss
something very important.
EXPECTATIVE
If they'll get upset over that, th'others WILL
think
that
their feelings are not justified.
If it's obvious that they're gonna be upset in any case,
we WILL
(or: might as well) not bother trying to
please them.
-----------------------------------------------------
1Not seldom, conditionals are mixed: The hypothesis of one type goes with
the contingency of another; e.g. "You'll be in trouble, if you should be
late," "If they're gonna be upset whatever we do, why should we worry
about trying to please them?" and "If they're gonna be upset, we might
as well not bother."
2This is evident in “Make sure that it stops,”
“Watch what happens,” "It's time he goes," “If it works
tomorrow, . . . ,” and “Repairs are being undertaken
so that the problem ceases.” But
optional should-deletion yields “she not leave” in “It was
important that she [[SHOULD]]
not leave.” This cannot be a subjunctive for several reasons
discussed in Essays on time-based linguistic analysis, pp. 174, 238.
